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Tuesday
May132008

interview witih an MNS activist

Part of my research is about the political parties in each of the two cities I'm comparing.  Here in Mumbai, that means I need to find out a lot about the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, especially.  It is not one of the big parties-- it was just formed in 2006 kind of as an off-shoot of the Shiv Sena.  The mayor of Mumbai right now is from Shiv Sena, but the Maharashtra government is currently Congress dominated.  The two parties go back and forth as ruling party and opposition, but in Mumbai, Shiv Sena is definitely the more powerful of the two.

MNS was formed by Raj Thackeray, who is the nephew of Bal Thackeray, leader of Shiv Sena.  They had an inter-family conflict.  And while the Shiv Sena has been reaching out to include non-Maharashtrans in its rhetoric, platform and representatives, MNS is very focused on the Maharashtra identity in particular, which means they really emphasize the Marathi language, want job reservations for Maharashtrans and constantly speak out against North Indian migrants.  In previous decades the Shiv Sena used to do this stuff too-- against Gujaratis, then South Indians-- but lately they are more inclusive, probably because they realize that to keep power in Mumbai, a city that is only about 40% Maharashtran, they need a broader coalition of supporters.  Anyway, both have a lot in common too-- they are very Hindu nationalist-- but the MNS is notable for its anti-migrant voice in Mumbai politics.

All this is background to explain a pretty interesting interview I had yesterday with an MNS party activist and district president named Saira.  This was my second interview with her.  She is an interesting lady.  Middle aged-- probably around 50.  She is Hindu and has been a widow for 8 years.  Her husband was Muslim.  She was on the verge of telling me problems she had relating to that (besides the normal family stuff you would expect, she said) but then decided against it.  I hope to see her again though, so maybe she will tell me sometime.

Yesterday she talked about what she believes the MNS stands for, how she came to join them and what kind of work she does for them.  The party work is not her full time job-- she does it on the side.  She also gave me a really good picture of the way parties operate in the slums.  (I have been reading a book about Mumbai called Maximum City by Suketu Mehta that also describes this topic in terrific detail). 

Saira is the only MNS supporter I have talked to in a lot of detail so far, although I've had passing conversations with 4 or 5 Maharashtrans who like the MNS.  They have been people like my dabba-wala (food delivery person) and a random girl I sat next to on the train.  One thing I have noticed is that all of them have seemed pretty well-reasoned; not hot-headed like the speeches that Raj Thackeray makes about Mumbai's problems.  They support what I consider to be an extremist party, but they themselves didn't strike me as extremist in political outlook or personality, and they also weren't hateful toward North Indians.  For example, many of Saira's neighbors are North Indians, and she is friendly with them.  They just like the fact that the MNS does a lot of grassroots-level work for people like them, and is trying to help ensure that their children will find jobs.  I'm not sure how they reconcile it with the riots and violence against North Indians that the MNS has instigated in Mumbai, or even whether that is something to reconcile for them.  I find this to be such a contrast to my own process of figuring out what politics I support.  Its a stark reminder that my preferences are overwhelming driven by things like ideology and inclusiveness rather than policy specifics or any work that gets done on the ground.

In my previous conversation with Saira, she emphasized that far and away the most important political issue of the moment for her is jobs.  How are young people in Mumbai going to get jobs when so many people from outside come and take them?  Yesterday, she talked about more nitty gritty party stuff.  A lot of what she described sounded like a well-functioning system of patronage to me.  The party takes care of you-- gets you jobs, gets your kids into school, gets you a ration card, etc-- and you vote for the party.  If the party you support is in power, its much easier to get the things you need.

She also told an interesting story about how she got involved in politics in the first place.  Basically, she got into a fight (lafra) with a woman and was taken to the police station.  The other woman was a Congress party activist, and from what Saira described, kind of a neighborhood bully.  The woman was able to call in her boss, the Congress incumbent from that area, to help her out at the station.  But the police inspector happened to be sympathetic to Saira.   He pointed out to her that in order to have a similar level of protection, she too would have to ally herself with a party.  And so she started working for Shiv Sena because it was the only real opposition to Congress.  And later, she joined MNS.

I have posted my interview with Saira here

Monday
May122008

bmc building

For several days now I have been meaning to visit the Brihanmumbai (Greater Mumbai) Municipal Corporation (BMC) building, just to have a look inside and also check for the outside chance that they give tours, or have any written materials describing their operations.  Its one of the most architecturally memorable, victorian-era buildings in Mumbai, so although Rameez the Researcher knew this fact-finding exercise was probably a waste of time, Rameez the Tourist really wanted to see inside the place.

I explained to one of the security guards at the gate that I am not from Mumbai, and want to take a tour of the building.  But I didn't know how to say "tour" in Hindi and he ended up with the impression that I wanted to draw the place.  He skeptically consulted with his colleague about this possibility, but I overheard them using the word "drawing," so I interrupted and clarified.  Even once they understood what I wanted, they still weren't sure what to do with me.  I was a little surprised they don't get these requests more often... there are tons of Western tourists in Bombay.

One of the guards asked where I was from, and I replied the United States.  He was very surprised that I had come from that far.  And even more surprised that I spoke Hindi.  (I actually get this reaction a lot).  He asked how that was possible, and I explained that I grew up speaking it at home with my family.  After he learned these few details, he seemed kind of impressed, and decided that he should do his best to show me around.  So he signed me in, took me inside, and had me read some engraved signs.  One of them was a directory, and one of them was a cornerstone dedication.  Then he took me upstairs to the commissioner's office.  The commissioner is the administrative head of the BMC-- there is also a mayor who heads the political (electoral) division.  The guard introduced me to a man behind a desk in the commissioner's office and asked him to explain things to me.  He was also very nice, and invited me to sit at his desk while he gave me a 5 minute overview of how the BMC is set up.  

And then he told me I could wander around the building if I wanted, so I did that.  I wasn't allowed to take pictures.  It was a depressing building.  Very grand and stately, with marble staircases, a huge, decorated dome ceiling, arches that separated the corridors on the perimeter from the courtyard area inside... but it was also in ruins, or at least, on its way to ruins.  The stone was crumbling.  There was netting in the arches to keep pigeons out, but I think there must have been many holes, because the walls on the inside, high above, were stained with bird droppings.  It looked as if the corners and windows had decades worth of dust. 

I would have expected the building that housed the mayor's and commissioner's offices to be better maintained.  On the other hand, the office I sat in, and others that had their doors open, were perfectly nice, just like any other modern offices.  That's what counts, I guess, for running a city.

Anyhow, it was an interesting trip, but I didn't really learn anything new.  I have to seriously search for a way to compile a list of BMC regulations related to ration cards, identity documents or migrants.  Its proving to be kind of difficult.  That was one of my missions last week too, but I haven't made much headway yet...

Friday
May092008

ration card office visit

Yesterday was a full day of research.  I sat in on a meeting with a ration card officer in Dharavi, and also (thanks to Aazamina's friends Dev, Mansi and Niki) interviewed two women who live in a slum on the other side of town.  But this entry is about the ration card office visit and the things I have learned from it.

In the early afternoon I accompanied Nitin, Indira (both staff of LEARN India) and Bano Apa to the Dharavi ration card office.   Bano Apa is the president of the Mahila Kamgar Sangathna--women workers union-- and she is also a vendor who makes and sells bhajiye (fried snacks) on the street.  Nithin and Banu Apa talked to the ration card officer in charge of the Dharavi branch.  Actually, Nitin did almost all the talking, and Bano Apa, who in meetings is so forceful and articulate, was kind of shy and silent.  I remember she had said at an earlier meeting that she finds these authority figures a bit intimidating, and difficult to speak to as equals.  In fact, at that time, she had been telling the group that the Sangathna was their one way to make their voice heard in front of people they would normally be afraid to approach.

Here's a picture of Bano Apa I took before we went into the ration card office.  She is wearing her LEARN Mahila Kamgar Sangathan ID

bano_apa.jpg

Before I describe the meeting, I should point out that by law, the ration card was not intended to be anything but a way to get subsidized essential goods from the national Public Distribution System (kind of like the U.S. social security card).   And it is still not a necessary proof of identity by law.  But in practice its hard to get anything done without it (at least in Mumbai... not sure yet about other places in India).  As far as most people are concerned, their basic right to exist in a particular area or residence stems from their possession of this document.  From what people have told me so far, in Mumbai, its harder to get one if you're not Marathi-speaking and poor migrants from North India are the least likely to be issued ration cards.  And really, for anyone, no matter what their language or origin, the only sure way to get one is to pay a very hefty bribe... well out of the capabilities of most poor people.

Anyway, Nitin and this officer basically had a 5-10 minute conversation about the fact that two years after the women had submitted their initial applications for ration cards, they still have not gotten them.  Over this time, they have been asked to submit various documents-- such as other proofs of identity, and affidavits that their name does not appear on another ration card elsewhere.  Now, the ration card officer is asking for a no-objection letter from their landlords.

The women in this group all pay rent to a ghar-malik, meaning landlord, which means the dwelling is registered under that person's name in official records.  It is also common that if the housing isn't on the landlord's private land, then he is probably paying bribes to government officials to continue to occupy that space.  The important point is that there is no way any ghar malik will ever write a letter to anyone stating that he does not object to the tenancy of someone on his property and that he vouches for their reliability in that residence.  For one thing, it may create legal issues for him, if the tenant then uses the letter to make a claim on the property.  For another, the informal nature of a lot of slum housing means that its kind of a contradiction of terms to put that sort of thing in writing... bottom line is that no landlord will accept that risk when his business is an under-the-table affair.  

And this seems to be common information.  So much so that the three people who went to this meeting were unanimous in telling me that the only reason the ration card officer asked for a no-objection letter is because he knows there is no way any landlord will issue one.

Nitin asked the officer to show him the government circular that requires a no-objection letter, knowing that one does not exist.  The ration card officer said that it wasn't the letter in particular he wanted, but he needed somebody to take responsibility for the tenants that were seeking ration cards  (this part, I didn't really understand fully and will ask Nitin or Indira about it next time I see them).  So Nithin said that the LEARN Mahila Kamgar Sangathna, an organization with an address and several people to contact, will assume that responsibility, and the officer seemed ok with this.  The group's next task is to write a letter for each woman's application to that effect.

Maybe, after that is done, ration cards will be issued.

One reason its taken so long so far is that government offices are (purposely?) very sluggish.  Two years ago, to begin this ration card process for the Sangathna women, Nithin met with a state-level minister, who issued an order to Mantralaya (the name for Maharashtra's administrative headquarters) to get the process going.  That order took a couple of months in coming.  Then, the transfer of instructions from officials at Mantralaya to the Dharavi ration card office branch took another 4 months.  Now, things are getting more and more pressing for the women who are hoping for ration cards, because it is one of their only chances of not becoming homeless once the next phase of Dharavi's re-development starts (expected to happen within the year) and their current homes are torn down.  Without ration cards, they don't have a chance of being included in the government's relocation schemes.  

The causes of this situation are so varied:  the system of bribes and corruption, the government's drive to beautify and develop Mumbai and the money brought in by big development companies, migration and overcrowding in the city, native Maharashtran identity politics.  The effect, though, is a really pronounced situation of third-class citizenship for internal migrants especially... Indian citizens who are guaranteed rights of movement and livelihood by the constitution, but face a hostile local environment.  A lot of the identity and residence issues they face are similar to those of illegal immigrants in the U.S. and Europe (and often more severe), except that they are perfectly legal.

Thursday
May082008

Dadi update

Haven't written about family life here for a while, so I think its about time for one of those updates.  Well, Dadi is still having quite a nice time, and she seems healthy and settled in to me.  She has been doing a decent amount of shopping, and thankfully, she remembers to take her medicines. 

Last week, she took a four day trip to Poona with Rashida Aunty and Shabbir Uncle.  They went in a very comfortable car, and she said the trip was easy.  Their daughter, Arwa bhen, and her family live there, and Dadi really liked their house; she thought both the house and the surrounding views-- overlooking hills and trees-- were lovely.

On Monday, her 3 sisters, Masis Khata, Munira and Shireen, came to visit her.  Ever since she has come to Bombay, she has been asking them to visit her all at once instead of individually, so they finally did that.  Turns out the reason for her request was that she wanted to give them ridas, but didn't want to have to make the choice of which rida to give which sister!  Everyone was a bit amused over that.

And on Friday, the four of them are going to Marole (a suburub about an hour and a half outside the city) for two days.  Mamaji Mooder lives there, as does Mamaji Yousuf's eldest son, Saifuddin Uncle.  And Marole is also the site of the new masjid that has been funded and built by Mamaji Yousuf and his family.  Everyone says it is stunning, and Dadi and I both want to see it.

Alas, I might be too busy to take an overnight trip to Marole at the moment.  The Mahila Kamgar Sangathna (women's labor union) meetings I attend are usually on the weekend, since the women work during the week.  And I don't want to break appointments or reschedule things unless I really have to.  Otherwise people will think I'm flighty.  But Dadi and the rest of the family are really insisting that I should go, especially since I missed the trip to Poona, so may I try to visit just for a day by train.

As for Mamaji Yousuf, sometimes he is really well, which means he sits up and talks a lot, eats, and is in good spirits.  He often jokes with me that I disappear for too long.  But other days he experiences a lot of pain and discomfort.  His cycle of dialysis makes both kinds of days happen frequently.  Dadi tells me about his younger days a lot, especially the way he used to take care of their elderly father.  The two of them talk about old times too.

Overall, hanging out with family here has been extremely nice.  In the US, Dadi has talked a lot about this part of her family, and this is the first time I have met most of them (that I can remember), so its good to have faces and personalities to go with her stories and descriptions.  At Rashida Aunty's house, I feel totally comfortable.  I also visit Masi Khata's once in a while.  It sounds kind of silly, but my biggest obstacle is that I still haven't mastered the art of declining food.  She is really hospitable, and always wants me to eat more, so it is interesting to negotiate.  I think the solution is to only go over there on a totally empty stomach.  I've already used the "I have an upset stomach" excuse a couple of times and I don't think it will work anymore!

Monday
May052008

rich/poor in India and the United States

I remember thinking (and writing) several days ago about how the difference between the rich and poor seems greater to me here in Mumbai than in the Untied States.  The main reason, I think, is because at home, the minimum standard of living for most poor people is well above India's.  But I have been thinking about something a new friend, Peter (Indira's husband), said at dinner last night.  Peter is from Berkeley, has lived and worked in various places in Asia and has been in Bombay for several years.  He basically expressed the opposite point of view:  that in the United States, the land of opportunity, poor people have much higher expectations for how their lives ought to be, and so there is a lot more disenchantment about their condition.  Here, in contrast, he thinks that people have much more of a fate-driven outlook and are more accepting of their station in life. 

He also mentioned that family structures in poor communities here tend to be much more tight knit and supportive than the same in the West.

I guess his point was that even if in terms of income or consumption, the rich/poor gap in India might be wider than in the United States; in terms of perception and attitude its much smaller.  I think my initial reaction is to disagree, because with some exceptions, I've found the attitude of wealthier people here to be really out of touch and unsympathetic (and even hostile) to the struggles of the people I've met in slums.  But I don't know.

Do any of the parents (since you all know both societies equally well...) or anyone else have thoughts on the matter?

We came to talk about this because after Indira and I had a day of work in Dharavi slums, she and her husband took me out to a really posh restaurant in Mumbai.  We went from talking about how many of the women would have trouble coming up with the 260 rupees needed for a full physical exam and blood test to ordering bowls of soup that cost 400 rupees.